I thought about peace a lot, there in 1961 and 62,
living in Kengtung in the middle of the Shan rebellion. After Burma
expelled all the foreigners, and my family and I moved to Thailand to
start the medical work at Mae Sariang, I thought still more. The
Chinese Communists had a news broadcast in English each night and we
would listen once in a while. They boasted about the coming
liberation of Thailand. Thailand is the only country in Southeast
Asia that has never been anyone’s colony, and I wondered whom the
Chinese wanted to liberate Thailand from.
The Vietnam War was also starting up about the same
time. Vietnam had been partitioned, and the Communist North was
beginning to invade the non-Communist South and were behaving there
much like I had seen the Shan insurgents behave. And I decided that
there were times when the pacifist position is not enough.
It was not that I feared for my family. In Burma my
three-year-old son used to crawl into bed with Lois and me for
reassurance when the rebels set off dynamite to destroy bridges, as
they sometimes did, but the explosives were not directed at us. And
in Thailand we kept a bag packed in case we had to walk out across
the border but we trusted God for our safety then as we do now. But
although I still saw a need for pacifism in the world, I realized
that in the immediate situation, people in the villages sometimes had
to defend themselves.
And so, after I came from Asia and lived in Idaho, I
often sided against those who protested the war in Vietnam. At the
Baptist Convention in Seattle in 1969, some delegates organized a
public demonstration for peace in Vietnam. I asked if anyone could
carry a sign. Sure, the demonstration leader said, everyone has the
right to free speech. So I made a sign that said, “Peace will come
to Southeast Asia when North Vietnam gets out of South Vietnam and
Cambodia and Laos” and I got into the line of marchers circulating
around the Seattle Center grounds. Nobody read the signs, they just
saw the marchers. Two soldiers walking by criticized me for
marching. I asked them, “Hey, have you even read my sign?” They
looked at it a moment, said, “Oh. Okay,” and walked off. At
that, a fellow peace marcher amiably peered over to see what I had
written, uttered a shocked expletive, and moved as far away from me
as he could get.
And that’s kind of where I stood, for a couple of
decades, gaining a prickly reputation during twelve years on the
American Baptist General Board. I and another Board member who was
an Air Force colonel were the Board’s token hawks in those years.
It was during that time that I went back to work in Thailand for
another four-year term. That time included a spell giving emergency
medical aid to the refugees coming out of Pol Pot’s Cambodia in
1979, tens of thousands of refugees, eleven hundred in the hospital
tents of our camp, with up to forty deaths per day following their
months of starvation and disease. More about that later.
But in the nineties, I thought some more. By that time,
we had seen the Gulf War, the Rwandan genocide, Somalia, and of
course the Irish civil war had been going on a long time. The
fighting in Burma, which had begun in 1947, was still going on fifty
years later, with neither side winning, and the nation in a long
slide into economic and political chaos. And I began to wonder:
not only, ‘Is peace worth the price’ but ‘Is war
worth the price?’ Is there not some third alternative, besides
battle and surrender?
A possible answer showed up in 1996, when Lois and I
were invited back into Burma after thirty-five years’ absence. A
Seattle-based volunteer group named World Concern had a project
training village health workers up in the Kachin State. The Kachins
used to be an American Baptist mission field from around 1890 to
1965, and even after all the foreigners were expelled from Burma, the
Kachin church kept on growing rapidly. For thirty years, the Kachin
Independence Army had been fighting the Burmese government. They are
good fighters, these Kachin Christians, but in thirty years neither
side could gain victory. Travel and trade were almost impossible, and
most of the men had fled from their farms to escape the Burmese. Many
people did not have enough to eat.
Finally, the Kachin leaders said, “This is not the way
God wants it to be.” In 1994, working with other Christian groups
in Asia and Europe, and consulting with the Carter Center in Atlanta,
they finally reached an armed truce with the Burma government.
According to the truce terms, neither army may enter the other’s
territory, but postal workers, medical workers, and other unarmed
people may go back and forth. Our medical training teams, in fact,
were approved by both the Kachins and the Burma Government as part of
the truce agreement. Snipers no longer fired upon trains and river
boats. Farmers began working their fields again and bringing their
crops to market.
Present-day Burma has certainly not solved all its
problems. The government is still a dictatorship; the legally
elected parliament still cannot meet, and dissenters still go to
jail. And just lately, the Burma army has started moving hill
tribespeople out of their villages and setting up free-fire zones.
If anyone returns home to harvest his crops or to get something he
forgot, the soldiers shoot to kill without further warning. (Where
do you suppose the Burmese learned to do that?) But the Kachins have
decided they are going to get on with their lives again. Many still
privately disagree with the way the country is being run, but they
have decided that killing is not the solution. I admire them for
that.
2003: The
more I read, the more I am uncertain that I have anything to say that
other people need to hear. Granted, there are a vast number of books
on subjects more trivial than mine, and even authors who can't write
as well as I think I can. But who am I, to be telling others the way
to peace? Any particular nation, including Burma, has a great many
authors more experienced and more involved than I. But no one has had
the same
experiences that I have had (except maybe my wife), and some of mine
are probably interesting, but may not be of earth-shaking importance.
The peace
theory behind my writing the novel Flame
Tree
has
been that the Kachins chose to get on with their lives despite a
dictatorial and corrupt government, and that this decision could have
wide application in other troubled countries. So far, the Burmese
dictatorship has shown little sign of changing the destructive path
they have been on for forty-one years. And some of the ethnic
groups, Karen, Shan, and others see no alternative to armed defense
except extinction. Economic and political sanctions have not had much
effect on those in power. There are neighboring nations—China,
India, Thailand, Singapore—who are still quite happy to sell
weapons and other supplies to the Burma army.
Faced with
all this, what can I say? Pray? Yes, certainly, for only God can
have the ultimate answer to this impasse. But while waiting for
God's answer, what? Stand idly by while families and whole towns are
"ethnically cleansed" to the cheers (perhaps orchestrated)
of the group in power?
Some
people say why get so upset about people who have warred with each
other for hundreds of years? What about Sudan, what about Congo, what
about Burma, Ireland, Afghanistan, Liberia, what about injustices
here at home?
The more
such hot spots, the less effectively any nation or alliance can
remedy them by military means. We must acknowledge that we can't
fight them all. But I am reminded of the motorist who was pulled over
for speeding who complained, "Officer, what about all the cars
that were passing me?"
The
officer continued to write out the ticket as he said, "Buddy, if
we could catch them all, we would. This time, I caught you."
Police
action alone is not enough, of course. There must be more or less
consensus that speeding has bad consequences, there must be education
of the public about the needless deaths, good design of highways,
general acceptance of the dangers of drinking and driving, and of
road rage, and of running stoplights, and many other facets of the
problem before the mayhem is assuaged.
More to
the point, the spirit of the law must be within the hearts of the
citizens, before anything is really accomplished.
In this
era of the worship of power, pride, and economic force, we have a
long way to go before the spirit of peace is in our hearts.
So back to
writing about peace. The Kachins say, "We don't care who
governs the country down in Yangon; the weaker their governing is,
the better."
That can
sound a lot like, "**** you, Jack; I'm all right." But I
don't think that is what they mean. What they are saying is more
like, "For thirty years we fought the Burma army, and we had a
land where no travel was possible, villages were depopulated of men,
fields untended, the women and children hungry and sick. This is not
what God intended for us. If the Kachin Independence Army standing
by in the hills is enough to allow us to live at peace with the
government, we will cooperate and get on with life, despite the
government corruption."
It took
faith to say that, and restraint, diplomacy, and self-control. Not
every group is ready for that. It takes faith to write about it.
Peace is not the primary work of the church or any other
group; peace is a by-product. Peace involves laying aside ego and
power trips. If a peace advocate is too busy with protest movements
and politics to pay attention to those who are spiritually lost, or
if the peace advocate is too preoccupied to participate in the
church family, then his or her spiritual foundations are likely to be
unstable.
I myself really know very little about war. I have seen
the edges of it. I have seen hungry children; I have watched soldiers
burn a village. I have seen thousands of people in a refugee
hospital, too weak to make any sound except a cough, and I have
watched some of them die. I can’t tell you if peace is worth the
price, or if war is worth its
price; that’s something each person must decide. But I can say
that something is badly wrong when there are hundreds of thousands of
refugees. Something is badly wrong when people are driven from their
homes so that free-fire zones can be set up. And I felt a dull anger
mix with my fatigue at that refugee camp as I watched the Cambodian
people silently die, nameless, with no friend or family nearby,
slipping away so quietly that the only sign of death at first was the
lice leaving the cooling corpse.
Something is badly wrong with us when our daily
concerns are for higher income, more amusement, a more patriotic
America, while we dismiss the deaths we have brought about in
Afghanistan, and Iraq as mere “collateral damage.”
Is the struggle against overwhelming greed, pride, and
violence worth the price? Jesus said so, and I know no greater
authority. He said, “In the world you will have tribulation. But
be of good cheer, I have overcome the World.”
Faith means acting on one’s belief, even when no peace
is in sight. Even when “the other side” shows no inclination
to change. Peace begins in one’s own heart, giving up the demand
for vengeance. Vengeance only leads to escalation. How many more
suicide bombers and fanatics will be needed to convince us?
There has been a saying, “Don’t get mad, get even.”
But getting even is only another term for vengeance.
A better concept is, “Get rid of the enmity, not the
enemy.
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